Children, Youth and Development
‘Superkid’, Millennium Development Goals, an Australian mining multi-national, power powder, open pit gold mining, malnutrition, the Hong Kong stock exchange and UNICEF. Since 10 June 2014 these seemingly disconnected ideas, actors and practices come together in a remarkably concrete form: a tiny sachet containing a micronutrient powder to be sprinkled on rice fed to Lao infants.
What is all this about? Since late 2011, the Australian headquartered and Hong Kong stock exchange listed multinational mining company MMG has been in a public-private partnership with UNICEF Laos and the Lao government. Child malnutrition has long been a development concern in Laos, where UNICEF reported in 2012 that ‘thirty-one per cent of children under 5 are underweight, and 48 per cent are stunted’, whilst further noting that ‘more than one third of deaths of children under 5 years old in developing countries, like the Lao people’s Democratic Republic, are attributable to it’. According to UNICEF, the problem isn’t so much one of no food or too little but one of overreliance on rice which provides a sufficient energy base yet not all the necessary nutrients.
Concerned that persisting high levels of child malnutrition will put reaching the Millennium Development Goal 4 on child survival at risk, the Lao government welcomes the ’1000 Days project’. In this project, the Lao Ministry of Health, Unicef Laos, MMG, PSI, and the Lao Women’s Union have partnered in order to distribute micro-nutrient sachets (branded ‘Superkid’) to families with children under 2 years of age at no cost to these families in three provinces in Laos.
MMG, which exploits open pit copper and gold mines in one of the concerned provinces (Savannakhet) has, according to Unicef, pledged US$1.38 million to the project. On its own website, MMG further details that ’the 1000 Day Project aims to reach an estimated 180,000 Lao children, aged 6 to 59 months, via the distribution of approximately 4 million micronutrient sachets, each containing important vitamins, zinc and other nutrients’. In addition, Unicef states that ‘additional sachets will be subsidized and made available to families with children under 5 years old’.
In line with wider trends in development practice, it is perfectly possible to contribute to this very concrete and highly localised public-private initiative in a rather remote part of the world from anywhere provided there is an internet connection and a credit card at hand. How this works? Through the Unicef-MMG ‘matched giving website‘! Its webpages explain that ‘every micronutrient powder gift purchased online will be matched by MMG, dollar for dollar, resulting in double the impact for children in need’. Donating $25 pays for 750 sachets; sufficient for 2 infants over a period of one year. However, since MMG doubles the amount (with a stated ceiling of $25,000), clicking the ‘pay button’ will ‘save’ four Lao infants for the price of two…
Despite the apparent simplicity of the intervention, reading the various webpages reporting about the project there appears plenty of confusion and quite a few worrysome errors. Whilst Unicef mentions that the project will be rolled out in three Southern Lao provinces, MMG includes also a northern province (Phongsaly) among the three target provinces. Also, whereas Unicef mentions that MMG has pledged US$1.38 to the project on one of its webpages, it talks about 1.5 million on another site. There also appears something wrong with the maths. From the figures on the matched giving website we can deduce that a child needs a sachet a day. If so, how will 4 million sachets be sufficient to reach the estimated target population of 180,000 Lao children, as MMG explains, even if we were to limit ourselves to one year only (65 million appears a more realistic figure)?
Ultimately however, I guess the real issues aren’t in any of what I have listed above but in the simple observation that there might be something wrong more fundamentally if the same rural spaces that generate great wealth for some remain sites with high levels of child malnutrition for so many others.
posted by Roy Huijsmans
Category: research12 Jun 2014
Children, the university and the financial industry: these may seem awkward partners, yet nothing is less true at Erasmus University Rotterdam. In this and subsequent posts I will look at what is happening at Erasmus University Rotterdam and why this matters.
The Dutch ‘asset manager’ ROBECO is one of the partners of Erasmus University Rotterdam’s ‘scientific junction’ programme (in Dutch: ‘wetenschapsknooppunt‘). Through this programme, Erasmus University Rotterdam offers a range of activities to Dutch primary school students (and their teachers) with the aim of introducing them to science, research and the university. This includes bringing children to the university for specifically designed ‘children’s lectures’, researchers visiting primary schools, short scientific courses designed for primary school students, etc.
Children are part of a world that is increasingly financialising, and Dutch children are no exception. Children may also be seen as a perpetual demographic frontier of financial markets. In this sense the young are an important strategic terrain for both the reproduction and also expansion of financial markets. Hence, one should not be surprised to find that the financial industry has indeed a keen interest in reaching children (as also noted HERE).
What is happening here goes yet a step further. By cooperating with a publicly funded university in the name of science, ROBECO gains a degree of legitimacy for its financial practices precisely in a time where the very system of which investment banking is an outcome, and the very ethics and sustainability of such financial practices have come increasingly in question.
posted by Roy Huijsmans
Looking at this picture, the first impression that came to my mind was how sweet this boy is. Then I asked myself: Is this child work or child labor? And is the activity conducted by the child empowering and appropriate for the child? What does the existing literature in development and childhood studies has to say about this? What position would development practitioners/experts and Social Workers on the ground take? And what would this picture mean in the eyes of indigenous people residing in the locality where the picture is shot? And most importantly what would be the view of this child himself on this picture?
For me, I know it is impossible to say much about what is depicted here without understanding the social environment and the current situation of the child. Yet, the picture was posted on an open Facebook page without any story or caption attached. The Facebook page is called ‘Ethiopian Kids’ and uses the slogan ‘For Ethiopians who love their KIDS’. Its current membership stands at 13,764 members.
The picture seems popular. Since it was posted on 19th May 2014 it has received 195 ‘likes’ and 35 ‘shares’. It also received a total of eleven comments – yet, not a word in these comments about the questions I have raised, only words about the cuteness of the boy in the picture. In many ways this particular picture is representative of the other pictures posted on this Facebook page: members post pictures of children and comment on how lovely these children are. Whilst I share these sentiments, it glosses over many other issues and leaves me wondering what the children themselves would say about their pictures.
Despite an increasing number of notable exceptions, the field of youth studies remains dominated by research conducted in the Global North. The PhD thesis (entitled Growing Up and Being Young in an Indonesian Provincial Town ) by ISS alumnus Wenty Marina Minza (Population and Development programme 2003-04) makes thus a welcome contribution to the field.
Wenty holds a position at the Faculty of Psychology at Universitas Gadjah Mada in Yogyakarta, Indonesia and her PhD research was carried out as part of the KITLV coordinated research project In Search of Middle Indonesia. The PhD work was conducted in the context of Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research (AISSR) of the University of Amsterdam with Prof Mario Rutten and Prof Ben White as promotors, and successfully defended on Wednesday 14th May 2014.
The thesis is centrally concerned with bringing together two main perspectives on youth. One is the so-called ‘growing up’ perspective which views youth through the lens of transitions in some key life domains (work, education, marriage) and underpins much research on youth by governments and nongovermental organisations (and dominates work on youth in the international development studies literature). The other is the so-called ‘being young’ perspective which underpins much research on youth cultures and aims to understand young people in their own right by focusing on their everyday, and at times subaltern, practices of being young.
The interplay between these two different dimensions of young people’s lives is studied through a focus on educated youth in the provincial city of Pontianak, West Kalimantan. To this end a total of 106 young people were interviewed (most of them university students) as well as a number of parents and other adult informants. Most of the research was conducted by employing in-depth qualitative interviews, however a survey (n=369) adds some important quantitative dimensions to the findings.
The thesis commences with a brief introduction which is followed by a literature review which discusses some main theoretical perspectives in the field of youth studies with much clarity. A next chapter introduces the research context (Pontianak, Indonesia), and also introduces a series of useful vernacular concepts concerning being young and growing up. This is followed by three empirical chapters. One on family expectations and cultures of educated youth, one on meaningful work and youth cultures of waiting and finally a chapter on courtship, explorations and long-term relationships. A concluding chapter revisits the research questions and draws out the main theoretical contributions of the study.
Observing that concerns about ‘being young’ and ‘growing up’ are often deeply intertwined in young people’s lives leads Minza to propose a ‘growing up while being young’ pattern and a ‘being young while growing up’ pattern. The latter she observes most clearly in the education domain. Whilst educational qualifications are considered crucial for social mobility and progressing in life, the space of the school provides ample scope for being young. Being a university student grants them the mahasiswa identity (literally ‘great student’), which is performed through particular styles of being young. Growing up whilst being young highlights how concerns such as finding a spouse and negotiating the many contradictions of education as a resources are important in order to realise a sense of social maturation and to live up to family and societal expectations. Whilst few young people realise the aspired civil service job, many do make a ‘transition to somewhere’ (rather than a transition to nowhere). Furthermore, the informal and at times menial jobs many of these educated youth obtain are not just that. For example, many of the young women may be overqualified for the work they do in shopping malls and possibly underpaid, yet these jobs also provide space for performing much aspired modern youthful identities. Another strength is that in teasing out the various ways being young and growing up interact, Minza illuminates how relations of gender and also ethnicity shape such dynamics.
Some work carried out as part of the PhD has already been published (see for example HERE) and hopefully more will follow.
posted by Roy Huijsmans
My encounter with a 14 year old German girl who combines full-time schooling with part-time work and who came to share her experience as part of the course ISS 4235: Young People and Work, has given me a new look into understanding work in young people’s lives. “So do you work?” I asked her. The whole class went silent. As I recollected myself I realised that this was because our 14 year old guest had just explained to us about her work as a tutor to fellow students and sports trainer. The silence made me realise that it is important to listen carefully to how children understand their own activities and be careful with imposing my own understanding of work.
The discussion with our young guest speaker also confirmed a few things about age-normativity. What is age and who defines it? Is it the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), Minimum Age Convention (ILO, 1973), the constitutions of national governments, communities or the individual? Whether it is coming straight from the supra-national to the individual level, the social context in which we find ourselves plays a great deal in defining this concept. “Would you allow your younger sister to work?” That was one of the questions posed by us. As we all paid close attention to her response, she replied “No, she is too young”. My reaction was Ooh! Too young!” I was surprised and you will equally be if you got to know the age of our guest’s sister. She is 12 years (Just two years her junior). This small difference in chronological age contrasted sharply with the firmness with which our young guest dismissed the idea that her younger sister might start working. Apparently it is not just chronological age that underpins norms about young people’s involvement in work.
Did you know that students who combine school and work perform better in class in comparison to their colleagues who don’t? At least this is what our young guest speaker taught us and it indeed contrasts with the conventional understanding that work is detrimental to children’s educational performance (and attendance). Out of the 22 students in our young guest-speaker’s class, only eight students work. And by far, the performance rate of these eight students outweighs the rest she reiterates. Perhaps though, here the particularity of the work also matters. Our young guest-speaker, as well as the other students in her class, was recruited by her teacher to provide some tutoring in physics and mathematics (for pay and on a structural basis) to students struggling with these subjects. This suggest that she was already doing well in school and arguably the more you’re explaining mathematics and physics to someone, the deeper your understanding.
Whilst this suggest that work might be a form of education, our young guest speaker also raised some notes of caution. Combining school and work is not for everyone she claimed. When asked if she would advise her friends who are not working to work, “It depends” she replied. Students who are allowed to work must prove to be capable of taking on ‘extra work’ and must desire to work.
A final part of the discussion that struck me was about the status of the money earned. Does it matter whether the money is coming from the parent or from the child’s hard earned money? Well it does matter it seems, our young guest speaker elaborated on the importance of having earned the money herself: “I can save and do whatever I like. It’s my money”.
guest-contribution by Yenutien Kombian (Social Policy for Development major programme, ISS 2013-14).
Leeds University advertises an interesting Research Fellow position to be working on the ‘Uganda strand’ of a research project entitled: ‘Intergenerational Justice, Consumption and Sustainability in Comparative Perspective’.
The position is fixed term from 1 July 2014 to 30 June 2016 and this is the description:
You will be responsible for undertaking fieldwork for the AHRC funded INTERSECTION project, which involves comparative research in Uganda, China, and the UK. The project is a collaboration between the universities of Sheffield and Leeds, and involves academics from Geography (Sheffield and Leeds), Workshop Theatre/School of English and East Asian Studies (Sheffield). You will have particular responsibility for data collection in Uganda, and will be expected to spend up to 9 months in that country, although you will also contribute to wider aspects of project literature review, research design, dissemination and other project activities. You will also make some contributions to fieldwork in the UK to harmonise working practices amongst the team.
The project involves an integrated multi-method approach including narrative interviewing (individual and group), surveys and the use of arts-based methodologies, particularly theatre as a research method. You will engage effectively with the diverse methodologies and participate in theatre based workshops and training, as well as work with local facilitators in Uganda. You will work in an intergenerational context, involving people of diverse ages, and make links with key stakeholders/policy makers.
You will have a PhD or equivalent postdoctoral research experience in a relevant academic field (e.g. Cultural Geography, Sociology, Anthropology, Politics or other relevant field). You will have experience of conducting in-depth qualitative interviews and/or focus groups about sensitive issues, and an ability to execute these in an East African context. Knowledge of Uganda would be an advantage and some knowledge of a Ugandan language extremely useful. You will carry out periods of intense field work in Uganda for up to nine months. You will also be required to carry out occasional evening and/or weekend working, and possibly attend residential national and international conferences and dissemination events.
The University of Leeds’ commitment to women in science has been recognised with a national accolade. The University has received the Athena Swan Bronze Award in recognition of our success in recruiting, retaining and promoting women in Science, Engineering and Technology (SET). The Faculty of Environment are in the process of preparing an application for an Athena Swan award to recognise our commitment and work in these areas.
University Grade 7 (£30,728 – £36,661 p.a.)
Informal enquiries may be made to Dr Robert Vanderbeck, tel +44 (0)113 343 6753, firstname.lastname@example.org<mailto:email@example.com> or to Professor Jane Plastow, firstname.lastname@example.org<mailto:email@example.com>.
Closing Date: 8 June 2014
The Development Dialogue is an annual conference organised by the ISS PhD community. The organisers welcome contributions related to this year’s conference theme ‘Rethinking Democracy: Challenges for global and local governance’.
The ISS is home to a vibrant research community comprised of faculty and MA/PhD students working on issues concerning children and youth in the context of development (see for example a recent ISS- hosted event on ‘Youth Research and Development‘). In that light we very much welcome contributions that approach the theme of ‘Rethinking democracy’ through the lens of children and youth (studies).
Our whole life is built around employment and labour. You go school to get a job, and you work to make a living. Generally speaking, people would agree that the harder you work, the more you can expect to be successful. Personally, I do not think that is true. I would say that notions of success and failure have become linked to one’s employment status and occupation and may have little relation with how hard one works. This produces a sense of superiority among the employed over the unemployed.
This idea of superiority was one of many seeds planted in my mind during lectures on the youth employment challenge and labour market policies in our course, Young People and Work, here at the ISS. Society values people based on employment status, and that labour and productivity are central in society was a feeling which grew even stronger after a guest-session by staff from the municipality of The Hague. After their presentation and discussion on current policies implemented to tackle the increasing unemployment rates, especially youth unemployment, it was clear that the Hague municipality is concerned with the youth employment challenge and invests a fair amount of money in various programs and policies aimed to address the problem of youth unemployment. However, I would argue, that it is just as clear that many of these programs are too shallow. Shallow in the sense that they reinforce the structures creating youth unemployment and segregation, rather than dealing with the roots of the problem.
Let me explain this further:
Labour market policies in contemporary Europe can be seen as activation programmes. Even though there are examples from countries where it has been successful, Youth Guarantee Programs have been criticised as ‘cosmetic measures’ that do not address the structural problem. Working full-time for nothing but the unemployment benefit, only to be active, does not empower the unemployed youth. Instead, it risks further stigmatising youth and contributes to further strengthening the power of capital (employers) vis-à-vis young workers.
The social construction of youth as irresponsible, absent-minded and not full citizens on par with adults, constructs that stick to unemployed youth in particular, works to legitimise youth development programmes that I would argue are disempowering for youth.
Concepts of youth entrepreneurship and innovation rapidly permeate the labour market. This results in an individualised environment, in which individuals themselves are blamed for their unemployment. This development is taking place at the same time as the current system could be argued to be characterised by jobless growth – the inability of turning economic growth into employment opportunities.
It seems quite evident that there is a discrepancy between economic growth and the creation of jobs. But where then is the economic growth invested?
Or what if it is not? What if it turns into profit, and goes down the pockets of the investors? Then, I would argue, it is not the unemployed youth that is the problem, but rather the employer. A solution to the constant youth unemployment can only be solved when the problem is identified, and in this case, when more pressure is put on employers. This could be done through regulative policies, putting pressure on employers and especially on private investors in the public sector, to actually invest in employment – as a mean to keep the quality of services provided on a high level.
Guest contribution by Rasmus Ahlstrand (Social Policy for Development major 2013-14)
MA Student in Social Policy for Development
International Institute of Social Science, The Hague
The scholarships are attached to the ISS major programme Social Policy for Development (SPD) and recipients must specialise in the field of Work & Employment. Importantly, this latter field of specialisation includes the course ‘Young people and work: Theory, practice and policy’. Therefore, we very much welcome applications that seek to study the area of decent work for lesbian, gay, trans- and intersexual (LGBTI) persons from a generational perspective, or through the lens of youth studies.
For this it welcomes applications from senior researchers to develop a research project on Food, Consumption and Youth. The contract would be for a year and includes a € 42,000 salary and € 9,000 for travel expenses. Call for research proposals ends on 30 March 2014.
Los candidatos deberán haber obtenido su doctorado en un plazo de 10 años previos al cierre de la convocatoria. Se exceptúan casos de maternidad (un año por hijo hasta un máximo de tres).
ISS is an international graduate school of policy-oriented critical social science. It brings together students and teachers from the Global South and the North in a European environment.